perspective; it is complemented by federalist. And no time was given." 15 Hamilton also encouraged the reprinting of the essays in newspapers outside New York state, and indeed they were published in several other states where the ratification debate was taking place. This list credited Hamilton with a full sixty-three of the essays (three of those being jointly written with Madison almost three-quarters of the whole, and was used as the basis for an 1810 printing that was the first to make specific attribution for the essays. Retrieved May 1, trieved May 1, 2008. Whether they succeeded in this mission is questionable. Fame and the Founding Fathers. The question resulting is, whether small or extensive republics are more favorable to the election of proper guardians of the public weal; and it is clearly decided in favor of the latter by two obvious considerations: In the first place, it is to be remarked. Regarding the first difference, Madison contends that a large republic will elect better delegates than a small one. A rage for paper money, for an abolition of debts, for an equal division of property, or for any other improper or wicked project, will be less apt to pervade the whole body of the Union than a particular member of it; in the same. The regulation of these various and interfering interests forms the principal task of modern legislation, and involves the spirit of party and faction in the necessary and ordinary operations of the government. Brutus also points out that the expansion of these republics resulted in a transition from free government to tyranny. It may clog the administration, it may convulse the society; but it will be unable to execute and mask its violence under the forms of the Constitution.
The, federalist, papers - Wikipedia
He wrote in Federalist. 1 that the series would "endeavor to give a satisfactory answer to all the objections which shall have made.
22 "The necessity of a government at least equally energetic with the one proposed to the attainment of this object" covered. No man is allowed to be a judge in his own cause, because his interest would certainly bias his judgment, and, not improbably, corrupt his integrity. In a large republic, the public good is sacrificed to a thousand views; it is subordinate to exceptions, and depends on accidents. It is in vain to say that enlightened statesmen will be able to adjust these clashing interests, and render them all subservient to the public good. The election was ugly and many of the supporters of both candidates resorted to tactics that were less than desirable but ultimately had no effect, such as the scandal about Thomas Jefferson's romantic affair with a slave on his plantation. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981.
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